Beyond Black and White: Redefining Racialized Identities: Profit, Power, and Privilege: The Racial Politics of Ancestry
In March 2000, each adult residing in the United State s was supposed to receive a census form-and was then confronted, onc e again, by those ominous racial boxes. This time you could check more than one box. Your ability to check more than one box was a compromise worked out by the Commerce Department an d two opposing effort s t o lobb y th e administration. On e effor t wa s launche d b y peopl e wh o identify a s biracial, or of mixed-race descent, and who wanted thei r own box. The other effor t wa s le d b y th e NAAC P an d th e Nationa l Counci l o f L a Raza, wh o argued tha t th e boxe s shoul d remai n th e same. Although virtually ever y Latino, black, or Native American person should go ahead and check "all of the above," the powerful biracia l lobb y di d no t wan t t o forc e it s constituent s t o choos e betwee n identifying with one ancestor and another. The NAACP and others argued that the census was about identification-no t identity-an d presse d th e administration t o make an accurate count of people who are identified a s racial minorities in order to gain a better understandin g o f intercity demographic s an d t o maintain th e abilit y to demonstrate disparate impact. These organizations wanted to be able to account for al l peopl e identifie d a s black, Hispanic, an d s o on. I n thi s case, th e biracia l lobby viewe d rac e a s a proxy fo r ancestry, wherea s th e NAAC P viewe d rac e a s a proxy for politica l status.
